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Rise of Nationalism in Japan

by Hauquan Chau

G21 Asia Contributor

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G21 Asia logo. I was walking the other day to the subway station when I noticed a black bus with two large, Japanese imperial flags flapping at the sides. The speakers on the front were booming out rightist propaganda to the crowds of early morning commuters.

A group of men, wearing dark suits -- reminding me of the yakuza -- were talking with serious faces as I passed by, eyeing me with suspicion. Not wanting to make any contact, I quickened my step.

To get their message across, the public address speakers were cranked up to ear-splitting levels. You may not notice them as you hurry to work, but you have no choice but to hear their outdated ideology.

The fundamental beliefs that these ultra-nationalists, or uyoku, have is that, first, Japan must return to its 1930's "sacred values" -- including a militaristic ideology, deification of the Emperor and Japanese as a pure and homogenous people. There are almost 1000 far-right groups throughout the country with membership of more than 100,000, with the majority being affiliated with the National Conference of Patriotic Associations.

Mafia-style intimidation towards media outlets that in any way denigrate their sacred view of Japan and the Emperor has always been the oyoku's main tool in getting their way. For example, the Asahi Shimbun, a national paper known for its liberal views, has faced many attacks from the uyoku. In one instance the attack was provoked by the newspaper allegedly not using the Emperor's name with the correct honorific title. The main office has been surrounded a number of times by the black vans of the uyoku and have actually been rammed into the Asahi Shimbun building itself.

The violence escalated as far as murder when Tomohiro Kojiro, an Asahi reporter, was killed by a shot-gun wielding rightist in 1987. The killer has yet to be identified.

Although only a small group, Japan's right wing seems to be gaining more influence these days. In the current political scene, they have gained some momentum, though not necessarily to the extreme that hardcore members would want.

Take for instance, the Ministry of Education's approval of a certain junior high school history text that -- from the points of view of China and Korea -- is painting a much rosier picture of Japan's role in World War II than is historically accurate. Atrocities are downplayed and Japan's role in using sex slaves from Korea and China are excluded.

The organization responsible for the contentious textbooks, The Society to Write New History Textbooks, is comprised of nationalistic teachers and writers. They argue that the current texts -- the ones they are working to replace -- are "masochistic." Nakamura Isao, an associate of the group, also helped fund a film in 1998. "Pride: A Moment of Fate" told the story of General Tojo Hideki as a victim during the Tokyo Trials following Japan's defeat. Isao was quoted as saying that "It is clear that our history text writers' position is to just attack [Japanese history] -- explanations of (Japan's) successes don't exist in our history -- our modern history is written as a history of crime."

Photo of a mountain.In response to this nationalistic revisionism, Korea has pressed their case to the UN for support in applying pressure on Japan to consider changes to the texts. A committee has also been set up to figure out ways to resolve this conflict of perspectives. Earlier this month, the task force submitted a proposal to Japan with 35 revisions sought. Tokyo says they will carefully examine the contentious points but by the sounds of Chief Cabinet Secretary, Yasuo Fukuda, it seems unlikely that Seoul's "opinions" will be approved, unless "an obvious error" is found.

Korea seeks to revise the sections that justify Japan's colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula, including its benefit to Korean people because railways and irrigation systems were built. In addition there was failure in the texts to include any passages about "comfort women", Korean women who were forcefully brought into prostitution for the Japanese troops in the frontlines.

The Korea Peninsula was forcefully taken from the Korean people, and although there's no doubt that Korea's infrastructure benefited in some way from Japan's presence, one must ask if the means justify the end? Did Korean people have a choice? Would any Korean have accepted Japan's occupation in trade for railways and irrigation systems?

A Korean friend once told me that even though he wishes to make peace with Japan and look to the future for improving relations, it was hard from him to forget the past because of the stories he hears from his grandmother.

Like my friend, the Korean younger generation seems to be more active politically and socially, unlike their Japanese counterparts who have very little interest in politics. How can you not be cynical, when the words "corrupt" and "politician" go hand in hand here in Japan?

(In a high level discussion class of students in their 20's, anytime I bring up a political issue I always hear these groans of pain. Most lack the interest, if not the understanding, of what's happening in Japanese politics. It's such a big turn off that I've gotten rid of any lesson with even a hint of political discussion. I do so hoping to not have a class that completely flops on me.)

In the book Asian Nationalism (edited by Micheal Leifer, Routledge, 2000), the writer says that the attitudes of Japanese youth are hard to predict. They have no memories of the war and have grown up with relative affluence. However they're also more internationalist than their parents and should, therefore, be less introverted and nationalistic.

However, the writer fails to mention the complete lack of interest in politics among the younger generation. Sure they have pocket money to go get a Big Mac or buy a pair of Levis, but who will give the power to control and wny?

We've seen in the past, not only in Japan but also in Italy and Germany, that political leaders have great influence over the public. Particularly in depressive economic conditions, people look for a leader to take control and do whatever it takes to establish internal stability, as well as encourage the country's interests globally.

In the 1930's Japan, as with Italy and Germany, was faced with unsatisfactory domestic conditions from severe economic problems. In addition, these countries saw themselves globally as the "have nots," compared with the rest of the western world.

Now in 2001, Japan is again in an economic slump with little end in sight unless drastic measures are taken to kick start the economy.

The newly-elected Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's popularity is high and in his first policy speech the top priority for him is economic and social reforms, including rebuilding the people's trust in political leadership.

However, despite the new image he wants to portray as a maverick and a force for change, there exists a certain rightist tendency.

In regards to the history textbook controversy, he said that despite neighbouring Asian countries' criticism, "Japan does not have to lose confidence (over the approval)." And that "The Japanese system of screening textbooks differs from those of China and South Korea."

Furthermore, Koizumi plans to visit the war memorial, Yasukuni Shrine, the holy place for the ultra-conservative, to remember soldiers who died in the war, including those branded as top "war criminals" of World War II.

Another charismatic politician who remembers the war is Ishihara Shintaro, Governor of Tokyo. Admired by many Japanese throughout Japan for his strong thoughts, clearly a conservative in his own right, this award-winning novelist is clearly a role model for change. When asked about the possibility of running for Prime Minister, he said that it would depend on the political situation following July's Upper House Election.

As with Koizumi, people are also looking to him for change. And as with Koizumi, even more clearly so, Ishihara does not hold back his conservative rhetoric. In fact, his anti-foreign sentiments are as equally well-known as his fight against big government.

In the event of an earthquake, he suggested, it would be "quite natural" for the Ground Self-Defense Force to defend Japanese citizens from rioting, attacking foreign guerrilla groups. In a speech to the Force, Ishihara stated that: "Atrocious crimes have been committed again and again by sangokujin [a derogatory term for foreigners] who have illegally entered Japan."

A flurry of calls demanding his resignation followed the speech, particularly from the Korean community who fear that his xenophobic attitudes could give a green light for Japanese to discriminate against them. In an interview, he once said, "I am not xenophobic. I am just patriotic."

Despite the outrage expressed by foreign residents in Japan, there has been a lack of public concern among the Japanese. In fact, following his speech, of the over 6000 messages that were sent to the Tokyo Government, more than 70% supported the Governor. Even the national newspaper with the largest circulation in Japan, the Yomiuri Shimbun, gave support to Shintaro by criticizing "the inappropriate way" the speech was reported by the media.

A Japanese friend once told me that Shintaro is a hero for the common citizen. "A kind of father figure who looks after his children by speaking up and not[being] afraid of being criticized by anyone," he commented. "A person willing to put his neck down and fight the bureaucracy."

By misinterpreting and exaggerating the number of crimes committed by foreigners and tapping into public mistrust of politicians, he is feeding the worst fears of the Japanese citizenry and gaining momentous support from them in fighting Japan's stifling central government. The uyoku is probably well pleased in having Shintaro in public office.

I still remember passing by the black truck with the imperial flag, men in dark suits, and I often see them (but often hear first) on populated street corners, their speakers blaring out messages to the silent (hopefully ignoring) masses.


HAUQUAN CHAU - Originally from suburban Kingston, Canada, with an Education degree from Queen's University, Hauquan's world got a lot bigger (both physically and mentally) once he stepped off the plane in Tokyo. Since then he has traveled throughout Asia, including Korea, Taiwan, China, Singapore and Australia, learning about what it means to be both a Canadian and a world citizen. Presently, he is teaching English in Nagoya and studying to be a free-lance journalist.



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