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IRAN: Now More than Ever

by Cameron Kamran

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Photo of Stealth bomber.As a boy in 1979 I watched angry crowds swallow cities in my father's native Iran. Secularists, women, and intellectuals marched alongside religious merchants and urbanized peasants. My classmates in America didn't understand the fanaticism of Iran and, at that age, neither did I. The Iran I knew had always been a serene, tender place. I turned inward to my studies, to my favorite subject, history.

"...the will of the Almighty expressly disapproves of government by kings."

It sounded like Ayatollah Khomeini preaching against the Shah of Iran. It was actually Thomas Paine in his 1776 pamphlet Common Sense calling for American colonists to rise up against King George. During the American Revolution, it was common sense for most Americans to understand their world in religious terms. Revolutionary leaders fired imaginations by associating revolt with the second coming of Christ and the establishment of God's kingdom on earth. Iran and America, my twin heritages, were not so different after all.

The war on terrorism will be long, requiring us to outsmart our enemies bothtactically and politically. Forging appropriate friendships will be as critical as destroying adversaries. We know what we don't want. We don't want a repeat of 1989, when $3 billion in CIA military aid to Afghanistan gave way to the abandonment of a shattered nation and to the conditions that led to the rise of the Taliban. Popping off a few Cruise missiles is no longer a quick fix. We need a solution that will bring long-term peace and stability to the Middle East.

A key component to sustainable stability across the region is a fully rehabilitated relationship with Iran. According to Gary Sick, former National Security Chief under President Carter, Iran is uniquely located between the "twin towers" of terrorism, Afghanistan and Iraq. It has exercised a singular influence over both nations and thei internal politics for millennia. Moreover, Iran's interests in these countries are now more than ever aligned with America's. Well over fifty percent of Afghans speak either Dari or Tajik, dialects of Persian. Iranian culture and history have long been intertwined with Afghanistan's since beforethe advent of Islam.

However, the Iranian government and the Taliban are on opposite sides of the ideological cleavage within Islam, between Sunnis and Shias, and view each other as heretics. Iran has been hostile to the Taliban since its creation, massing troops on its border more than once in response to Taliban atrocities against Afghanistan's minority Shia sect.

Iran has also supported the Northern Alliance against the Taliban and has stated openly that it favors an international settlement to the Afghan conflict. Given the concerns about putting in place a truly representative government in Afghanistan, Iran could use its influence with the largely Tajik and Uzbek Northern Alliance to encourage them to work with other Afghan constituencies.

Iranian peacekeepers, taking advantage of a shared language and culture,would be an effective core of an interim United Nations security force.This all-Muslim force from the likes of Turkey and Jordan would keep the peace while blending into Afghan society better, avoiding the fierce antagonism to foreigners that have plagued British and Russian military adventures in Afghanistan.

Besides Afghanistan, Saddam Hussein's Iraq is the other prime suspect in the September 11th terrorist attacks. The Hussein regime had the resources and the motive, evidence suggests Iraq had a hand in the first World Trade Center bombing in 1993. Iraq would be the likely safe-haven for the Al Qaida leadership if they are smoked out of Afghanistan.

Iran fought a bloody war with Iraq in the 1980s and has no love for a regime that supports dissident anti-Iranian guerilla groups. At the same time, Iran has broad political and spiritual influence with the clear majority of Iraqis who belong to the Shia sect of Islam. In fact, this influence is so broad it was a major factor in the U.S. decision not to overthrow Saddam Hussein in the wake of the Gulf War for fear of a pro-Iranian state replacing him.

By befriending a moderate Iran that fear disappears.

But wait a minute. Iran isn't moderate. It supports terrorism, is hostile to the Middle East peace process, is actively trying to develop nuclear weapons and oppresses its people.
Let's discuss these allegations one at a time.

But there is a more fundamental reason we must embrace Iran that goes beyond realpolitik. Despite the extremism and intolerance of its mullahs, the Iranian people have a similar history and share many of America's core values. These values are not empty words borrowed from a Western textbook. These are ideals that have been fought for with blood in the only genuinely popular revolution in the region.

It is difficult for Americans to see this given the images in our minds of hostages and fundamentalist revolution. But like America, and un-like any other Muslim nation, Iran has had a long tradition, stretching back to the Tobacco Revolt of 1890, of broad-based resistance to the tyranny of kings

Today, Iran is the only Muslim country in the world that has developed homegrown democratic institutions that have insured a peaceful transition of power for over two decades..

Voter turnoutfor free parliamentary and presidential elections consistently doubles those in American elections.

Unlike Turkey and Pakistan, the military in Iran is not an active player in domestic politics, capable of dismissing governments at will.

And unlike other states in the region that have flirted with democracy by establishing hollow, top-down institutions with no real authority, Iranian democracy has tentacles that reach deep down to the local level.

In February 1999, according to the Washington Post, voters in 730 cities and 40,000 villages elected about 200,000 local councilmembers across the country, including more than 500 women.

The recent attacks have created a unique window of opportunity for détente between Iran and America. At a time of violent anti-American demonstrations across the Muslim world, even within countries firmly allied to America, Iran has distinguished itself through extraordinary sympathy for America. President Khatami's message to President Bush condemning the terrorist attacks and Tehran mayor Morteza Alviri's message of condolence to New York's Rudolph Giuliani were the first directgovernment-to-government communications between America and Iran in more than 20 years.

But the compassion in Iran is not just official. It extends further down to the populace, among journalists, seminary students, and everyday people alike. A minute of silence dedicated to the victims of the tragedies in America was observed at a World Cup soccer game in Iran several days after the attacks.

Are these the actions of a hostile government and populace, prone to burning American flags and chanting "Death to America"?

Much has been written on whether Islam and democracy are compatible. Iran is the only Muslim nation where they are beginning to coexist. It could be a "nation-building" model in the Muslim world for accountable, representative, stable government that also respects religious traditions. Iran's democracy is not perfect. Civil liberties are curtailed and a Council of Guardians, dominated by authoritarian mullahs, approves candidates fo roffice. (Like our Electoral College in the 2000 Presidential election, they don't always endorse the most popular person for the job). But Iran is certainly further along the road to democracy than many of the regimes America supports in the Middle East and elsewhere. America can encourage further development and serve its strategic interests at the same time by fully re-engaging Iran.


CAMERON KAMRAN is a graduate of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) and his research has been published in the academic press following a Fulbright Scholarship in Morocco. His forthcoming book entitled "Pure Land: Between Islam and the West" chronicles his experiences living in Iran and Pakistan. This is his first article for The World's Magazine.


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