War in Africa has retarded the growth of our continent so much that Africa has the greatest numbers in the list of the least developing countries (34 out of 49) as well as the greatest number of wars on a continent.

Of concern is the fact that major conflicts have destabilizing effects on the whole region. The Somali conflict created an influx of sophisticated weaponry in[to] Kenya, taking crime to higher levels as well as creating a conducive atmosphere for [the] establishment of terrorist cells in the Horn of Africa. The Congo conflict has led to the general destabilization of the whole of the Great Lakes region [of Africa], drawing countries like Uganda into the fray. This domino effect of wars therefore means that the role of taking Africa from a warfare continent to a welfare continent rests squarely in the hands of African statesmen themselves instead of waiting for the international community, as happened in Rwanda.

African civil wars can be traced back to the colonial legacy, where colonialists amalga mated disparate ethnic and social groups into colonial nation-states. They then co-opted the minority ethnic group which could not challenge their power and made it rule over the majority. In Rwanda, they used the Tutsi minority to lord over the Hutu majority and the genocide that followed the tensions since independence still has repercussions in East and Central Africa. Kenya, too, almost fell into this trap when the colonialists encouraged Majimboism by urging leaders of minority groups to rebel against populous groups and tried to bequeath the minorities with powers to lord over the majority.

Transition from wars to peace is thus a complex affair and perhaps the best approach is a combination of decentralization and local-level participation -- as practised in Rwanda, the DRC [Democratic Republic of the Congo (Zaire)] and Congo.

The major problem is always the immediate humanitarian needs that arise from war and it will be interesting to see how the African community, given its meagre economic resources, will deal with the food situation in Somalia as well as the rebuilding of the infrastructures like roads, communication lines and housing that will be assailing the new leadership once it gets back home. Foreign aid gives cause to worry, knowing that even peaceful countries have failed to utilise aid to promote the welfare of their people.

How to contain former warlords and guerrillas who have been trained to fight is another challenge that leaders will have to adddress. Such an intervention needs to be sustainable not transient, as happened in DRC and Burundi, where the transitions have been unpredictable due to insurgencies by rebellious elements.

Transformation, therefore, needs to be two pronged:

1. Reconstruction of physical and social infrastructure and
2. rehabilitation (restoration) of traumatised people and households.

The transitional cross-border nature of terrorism associated with war states means that neighbours also have to help in enacting laws in their own countries to help stem regional conflicts. Enacting financial laws and practises, so as to criminalise financing of terrorism, is a must for them. Terrorism thrives on cross-border, organized crimes like money laundering, drug trafficking, illegal movement of nuclear, chemical and other dangerous weapons.

Kenya -- especially -- has to [enact such laws] considering that we have been victims of terrorism whose links of origin have been traced to Somalia and Sudan, both war-ravaged countries.

Other needed laws include extradition laws based on mutual bilateral and multilateral cooperation so as to track down former warlords who have been known to rely on terrorist organisations to finance and train their militias. Active implementation of regional laws on illegal arms trafficking and Export Control laws are important as international terrorism relies on lawless societies to function. The influx of illegal arms in Kenya coincided with establishment of Al Qaeda cells in Somalia and Sudan.

To succeed, regional bodies need to be further empowered from [being only] economic trading blocks into incorporating military functions [in order to] enable active intervention in times of crisis in a region.

East Africa, particularly, has done poorly in this [latter endeavor] despite being surrounded by countries perpetually at war. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has set trends in supplementing the efforts of the African Union in supporting peace negotiations and the active military presence needed to implement such ventures. It is this lacking aspect in East Africa that makes many wonder how the Somali President will go back to rule in Mogadishu, knowing he needs heavy military back-up to suppress any mischievous insurgencies not happy with his election.

There is also a need to urgently initiate governance capacity-building through the empowerment of democratic institutions. This should not be done through fear and the rewarding of war debts to generals who pose a threat to the ruling elite, hence leading to massive expenditure on military posts and weaponry. It is also common for political repression to be implemented by new administrations all in the name of safeguarding peace after turmoil. Regional bodies should oversee the respect for human rights, rule of law, democratic principles and [the] holding of free and fair elections after the transitional period through the establishment of credible opposition voices. Africa will then rise again.

The recent involvement of the new Kenyan government in facilitating peace in the region, hence Col. Garang quitting war in Sudan , and the election of the new Somali government in Nairobi, Kenya, gave me hope that africa has matured enough to solve its own problems instead of begging the West to do so." This is his first article for The World's Magazine.