|
MAIN EVENT. A Good Place to Get Started --- a.k.a "Table of Contents" |
| DON'T READ ME FIRST! | THE PREVIOUS EVENT | THE NEXT EVENT | THE WRITERS/GUIDELINES | |
To read this article in Deutsch, Francaise, Italiano, Portuguese, Espanol, copy and paste the complete URL("http://www.g21.net/do106.htm") and enter it in the box after you click through.
In the week when Julius Nyerere died and Pakistan suffered from yet another military coup, KEVIN CAREY says that democracy may not be the best guarantor of social progress.
With the kind of perfect symmetry more often realised in art than in real life, the Republican Party scuppered the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty in the week that armed forces seized control of an unstable nuclear power. Such a move, from the point of view of Pakistan, the Indian sub-Continent and the world, might turn out for the best - the Bhutto and Sharif Governments are justifications in themselves for the military rule which has constituted half of Pakistan's history of political independence - but it will be some time before the claim can be safely made.
In democracies accidents and miscalculations result in all kinds of mishap and ridicule but in military dictatorships they result in incalculable internal and external carnage; as a passive bystander in military coups in a variety of places I was always more frightened of being shot by accident than on purpose.
There is ample room for mischief in the region which stretches from New Delhi via Kashmir, Kabul and Grozny to Moscow and --- in another gruesomely ironic twist --- the United Nations finally got round, with United States prompting, to imposing sanctions on Afghanistan for refusing to hand over Osama Ben Laden, the alleged perpetrator of massacres at the US Embassies in Nairobi and Dar Es Salaam.
History will show that the only two powers both directly interested in and capable of imposing some form of Central Asian stability are India and Russia but it also tells that, except for a tiny window of enlightenment when J. K. Galbraith was Washington's Ambassador to New Delhi, the State Department has consistently and erroneously backed dictatorial Pakistan against democratic India and has of late made life in Russia chaotic by wishing on it a brand of free market liberalism that it would never tolerate for itself.
We are heirs both to Pericles and to Augustus Caesar, and although the first may have held sway in the salon the second has more often than not commanded the streets.
It was a peculiar virtue of the English and successor constitutionalists in the United States that they opposed standing armies long enough to ensure the growth to some degree of hardiness of democratic institutions but it was their peculiar vice to think this highly unusual system a model for universal replication.
For reasons which I am not qualified to adduce, but surely not coincidentally, there has never been a sustained, open democracy - as Western Europe or the United States would understand it - in any self proclaimed Islamic state and in much of Africa and Asia all government is kleptocratic to such a degree that even the minimalist, 'night watchman' state is not worth the trouble or the money.
The degree of governance, as well as its form, cannot be stipulated across borders and oceans just as the degree of public expenditure in differing economies must be different.
The fact that Pericles, Jefferson and even Gladstone presided over democracies with massive exclusions based on sex, colour and income did not stop the preaching and who is to say that we have made progress or that what we are satisfied with for ourselves is any use to others?
There may well come a time when large communities can behave as crypto-Athenian assemblies through the use of interactive telecommunications but for now most of us simply want competent technocrats and an insurance policy against outright dictatorship; and, after all, in the year that the Berlin Wall fell down the USA and the United Kingdom had clinically mad leaders which was hardly an advertisement for the democracy we were then poised to export.
Turkey, perhaps the best model for Pakistan, has managed, with great difficulty and with the help, it must be noted, of the army, to hang on to its democratic credentials; both have squandered unequalled technocratic traditions from Byzantium and Britain respectively but there is still adequate residual corporate memory to restore them to a degree of competent management.
It is not often in this era of miasmic, low level, high irritant contentment that it feels right to quote Karl Marx in two successive weeks but his views on feudalism and land reform on the one hand and monopoly capitalism on the other bear careful re-examination; his geography and timing might have been faulty but the - as they say nowadays - modelling was superb. Not that modelling is enough, as Nyerere and his people found out to their great cost, but we have Steinbeck's Grapes of Wrathto explain away.
The economics of 'Reaganism' are a myth, for during his Presidency the US National debt reached a peace time high proportionately as well as absolutely and nobody in Congress, particularly on the far right, is going to favour a thousand tiny enterprises over the comfortable cartel.
Predictably, there have been calls for the earliest possible restoration of democracy in Islamabad which gave extra bite to an obituary replay of the late Julius Nyerere's dismissal of mechanistic multi-party democracy as the only true manifestation of representative government; that Tanzania's mimicry of Maoist Chinese collective agriculture in Nyerere's one party state was an unmitigated disaster may say a great deal about African agriculture but says nothing of the merits of a form of government which has had a short history of frailty and partial success on a tiny fraction of the globe's inhabited surface.
Below the surface, however, and here we come into contact yet again with Tanzania, the underlying drag on any form of even technocratically engineered social progress is the distribution of income and wealth in countries crying out above all else for land reform, for where land is the near sole producer of both its reform is essential. There is hardly a country in the modern era - the Netherlands and Singapore come to mind but their mercantilism was a special factor - where prosperity and progress were not preceded by land reform. This is not a cry I often hear raised on the floor of the Senate or the House of Commons whose grandeur and self importance were both founded on and sustained by the ownership of land which in turn led to the ownership of industries and, even later, services.
Kevin Carey can be reached via e-mail at "humanity@atlas.co.uk".
| THE PREVIOUS DAY ONE | THE NEXT DAY ONE |
© 1999, GENERATOR 21.
E-mail your comments. We always like to hear from you. Send your snide remarks to rod@g21.net.