The Albanian terrorist organisation in Kosovo (the KLA) can be categorised as separatist and nationalist - their basic goal is separatism and secession from Yugoslavia. There are many examples of this type of terrorism in the world, including [the] Irish IRA and the Basque ETA. In their style of conducting terrorist actions, the KLA attacked primarily Serbs and Montenegrins [in order] to arouse fear, create general insecurity and make life unbearable so that the non-Albanian population [would] emigrate from Kosovo... thereby creating an ethnically pure Kosovo. Kosovo Albanians who were not willing to accept separatist politics, but who remained loyal citizens of Yugoslavia, were treated as [the] KLA's enemies.

CORRIERE DELLA SERAwrote on March 6, 1998, that Albanians from Kosovo who live in Switzerland, Germany and the USA and are involved in illegal activities (mainly drug smuggling) [in order to] provide the basic source of financing for terrorist activities. On April 3, 1998, the German radio station "DEUTSCHE WELLE" also cited information about financial services of Albanian emigrant circles, including the Albanian narcotics Mafia on the Zurich-Brussels-New York route for the KLA terrorists. The Hungarian newspaper MAGYAR HIRLAPwrote on November 15, 1997 that Albanians from Kosovo control almost the entire heroin market in Hungary. Half of that money they send to KLA separatists in Kosovo fighting for "Greater Albania".

Albanian terrorists are trained in military camps in Albania and Turkey, as well as in other Islamic countries. The Italian newspaper IL MANIFESTOreported on March 7, 1998, that terrorism in Kosovo is "imported from Albania" and that hundreds of young Albanians from Kosovo were trained for guerrilla actions in a special military camp in Albania. On March 5, 1998, LA REPUBLICAsimilarly reported on a top-secret base of the so-called KLA in Albania, where terrorists are trained by Iranian instructors.

There were 1126 terrorist attacks by the KLA terrorists in Kosovo between January 1, 1998 and August 30, 1998.

Police forces were targets in 616 cases, and civilians in 510. In the attacks on police forces, 74 policemen were killed and 282 wounded. KLA terrorists also killed 81 civilians: 30 Serbs and Montenegrins, 47 Albanians loyal to Yugoslavia, 3 Gypsies and one unidentified person, while 95 civilians were wounded. In the same period, 208 civilians were kidnapped: 157 Serbs and Montenegrins, 42 Albanians, 6 Gypsies, 1 Macedonian, 1 Muslim and 1 Bulgarian Of these were 29 women and 9 were children. Of those kidnapped, 39 were released, 7 escaped, 16 were murdered and the fate of 146 is at this time still unknown. Kosovo Albanian terrorists also kidnapped 10 policemen and their fate is at this time unknown. Not included in this number are 22 kidnapped Serbian civilians found murdered and buried in a mass grave near the village [of] Klecka.

James Rubin, US Spokesman of the Department of State said at that time: "The United States is deeply concerned about the safety of the civilian population in Kosovo, both Albanian and Serb. We are concerned about attacks against Serbian civilians in Kosovo by Albanian extremist groups, including the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). In recent weeks a number of Serb civilians have reportedly being kidnapped by armed Albanian groups. The US believes hostage-taking and kidnapping of civilians would be grounds for inquiry for ICTY investigators."

So, [the] Yugoslav government decided to fight terrorists. The same anti-terrorist actions undertook by governments of [such as] Great Britain against IRA, and Spain against ETA, not to mention Turkish actions against the Kurds. But in case of [the] Yugoslav government [anti-terrorist actions] were proclaimed by [the] international community [as an] overmuch use of force!

Yugoslavia is accused of provocation, [creating] the humanitarian catastrophe of refugees and [an] infraction of human rights. To convince [the] UN and international public of what's going on in Kosovo, Yugoslavia accepted the OSCE Mission for Verification in Kosovo. The director of this Mission were William Walker. Despite the presence of [the] OSCE Mission, attacks on police forces and civilians continued.

On August 27, 1998 Serbian police discovered a cremation oven in the lime factory in the village Klecka, used to dispose of murdered Serbian civilians. Captured KLA terrorists Lyan Mazreku and Bekim Mazreku, told the police that in July, 1998 the KLA captured, killed and burned 22 Serbian civilians in the village of Klecka, some 45km south-west of Pristina. Lyan Mazreku admitted that the KLA rounded up about 100 civilians in the village of Orahovac, under the command of Fatmir Lima, Gani Krasnici and Hismi Kilya. They transferred them to Klecka where they proceeded to rape, in front of everyone, all the females, including little children. Klecka contained a KLA base including a training camp. A large amount of weaponry and ammunitions was recovered by the police, including anti-tank rocket-propelled grenades, as well as humanitarian aid packets provided by the United States.

Christopher Hill, special US Envoy to Yugoslavia said at that time: "I condemn the horrible massacre of Serb civilians committed by Albanian terrorists. Whoever did this must be punished. The United States do not support the armed battles of the KLA and condemns every kind of aggression, as well as the kidnapping of civilians."

Jay Carter, spokesman for the UN Office in Belgrade said: "The persons who massacred Serbs in the village of Klecka must be found and punished, because the fight for an independent Kosovo must be through dialogue, not this way. The International Community will send a team of experts to Kosovo, under the jurisdiction of the Tribunal in Hague, who will investigate this recent massacre as well as other crimes."

No one came.

Even the director of the OSCE Mission, William Walker never visited [the] mass grave in Klecka. It was one day news.

Almost two days after, German journalist Erih Ruthfelder, without any proofs, wrote about "... [a] couple of mass graves full with Albanian woman and several hundreds of children, murdered by Serbian police".

Without any proof, William Walker said that he suspects the same. The entire International Community forgot Klecka, and all the world's media accused Yugoslavia for massacre[s] that never happened.

Herman Main, President of the Association of German Journalists tried to recall the voice of reason and stood up to protect the truth. He stated: "Certain German journalists usually subjectively report from Kosovo. The majority of newspapers and media try to present an objective picture of the Kosovo situation using sources from both the Serb and Albanian sides. However, many journalists try with their reports to leave an impression that they are very well-informed, which suggests that they were witnesses on the spot, and that isn't true. The most drastic example of such reporting was done by "Die Presse" correspondent, Erih Ruthfelder, who wrote about something that he did not see. He only heard about it , and it was not confirmed".

This story provided to Erih Ruthfelder by the KLA terrorists was never confirmed. Even the OSCE Mission couldn't find any evidence of the massacre. But the picture about Serbs as murderers drew by [the] German journalist remained.

On September 8, 1998, the police defeated the Albanian terrorist group in their base camp near village of Glodjane. The police found the first of the six discovered mass graves, and the execution grounds where Kosovo Albanian terrorists from KLA murdered Serbian civilians. According to the testimonies given by the apprehended Albanian terrorists, members of the KLA brought kidnapped Serbian civilians to the banks of the channel connecting [the] Bistrica River and Radonjic Lake. Two female and two male bodies were found on the banks, while [an] additional 16 were fished out of the channel in various stages of decomposition. Some bodies floated all the way to the lake, and were recovered there.

The Examining Magistrate described the scene as monstrous, since many of the victims were mutilated and tortured before being executed. Several other shallow graves were discovered near Glodjane, with mutilated, beheaded or castrated bodies. By September 13, 1998, the bodies of 37 Serbian civilians were discovered. [These] from the six mass graves, discovered by the police.

The OSCE director never came to this crime scene. He never condemned KLA, never spoke to the families of the kidnapped Serbs and Albanians loyal to Yugoslavia. Representatives of the Tribunal in Hague never showed up, despite the advocacy of the Yugoslav government.

The Yugoslav government pointed out again on January 14, 1999. that terrorists from Kosovo as well as members of Islamic and other international organisations were being recruited, organised and trained in the territory of Albania. [The government asserted] that the KLA is directly connected with and financially supported by radical Islamic countries, narcomafia and organised international crime in general. The government took political measures for the establishment of [a] dialogue with political representatives of the Kosovo Albanian national minority. This information [was] also given to the UN's Committee for Abolition of Racial Discrimination. This statement suggested that, in accordance [with] the Yugoslav Constitution and law, all national communities and citizens [should] have equal treatment and pointed [to] the vital importance that the International Community and all UN countries decisively condemn the terrorist acts, provocation, murders, kidnappings and to prevent the terrorist's supply with money, arms and equipment.

Directly before negotiations in Rambouillet and Paris, after a short battle against another KLA terrorist group near the village of Racak, police had to back up, because the OSCE director William Walker forbade the reinforcement of the police forces. At the battlefield were 45 dead terrorists in KLA uniforms. But [the next day], Mr Walker whose Verification Mission investigated the place, stated that Serbian police killed 45 Albanian civilians in cold blood. That statement had a large publicity in all [the] world's media. Despite the forensic evidence that the bodies were newly dressed in civilian clothing (clothing without single bullet's hole) and shot dead from the large distance, Walker's presumption is declared as a truth.

Russian pathologists came to investigate the crime scene, and confirmed [the] outcome of [the] Serbian forensic team. A special forensic team from Finland came also. Their cheif, Ms. Ranta, never revealed the results of [the independent] autopsies.

There were no evidence to support Mr Walker's story. But the world's media now launched the... story to shroud the lack of evidences from Racak - "ethnic cleansing".

The NATO Alliance started an air strike campaign to prevent "the spread of war, ethnic cleansing, dislodging the Albanians by the Serbian police and protect human rights".

Besides, now Mr. Clinton's administration --- did a complete about face from James Rubin's statements of 1998 --- and said it supports the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA).

On February 2, this year, [the] Yugoslav Government considered the statement made by [the] NATO Council as well as Xavier Solana's letters and made the following decisions:

1. NATO's decision to empower its secretary-general to approve air strikes on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia represents the threat of aggression against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia as an independent country and UN member. Therefore, the decision is the violation of UN Charter principles, especially Article 2, Passage 4. 2.
2. The regional military organisation NATO has no Security Council's authorisation nor right to use force against sovereign and independent countries, members of the UN, as it is clearly stated in Article 53 of the UN Charter.
3. NATO's threats violate the basic principles of the international relations, peace and security, as well as the basis of international juridical system. Therefore the Federal Government decided to request [a special] session of the UN Security Council, so that adequate measures [could] be taken ... to prevent the aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
4. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, as an independent country, follows the policy of peace and peaceful co-operation, threatens no one or endangers anyone. According to these principles FRY is ready to solve all problems by peaceful and political means and to decisively protect its legitimate state and national interests, sovereignty and territorial integrity, in accordance with UN Charter.

Instead of the UN Security Council's meeting, came Rambouillet.

Yugoslavia sent to France [a] multi-ehnic delegation (representatives of all the ethnic groups from Kosovo) while the Albanian delegation represented the KLA terrorists leader Hasim Taci called "Snake" instead [of] the political leader of the Kosovo Albanian people from Kosovo, Dr Ibrahim Rugova. [The] Yugoslav delegation accepted ten principles established by the Contact Group - [that is, the Yugoslav government accepted] the political agreement, but refused [to agree to] the secession of Kosovo. This last condition was insisted [upon by] US Secretary of State Ms Madeleine Albright. It called for foreign troops to occupy Serbia national territory. Why?

The Italian Minister Lamberto Diny finally started telling the truth about the Rambouillet negotiations. On April 8, (the 16th day since the NATO aggression on Yugoslavia started) he said: "We don't want that the bombing lasts much longer, for the failure of the Rambouillet negotiation the guilt is not [only] on the Serbian side but the Albanian also. They wanted the secession referendum after three years, which never was a part of the Contact Group plan. At the end, Belgrade couldn't accept especially the last document". Too late.

But the [unrevealed nature] of the Rambouillet manipulation is continuing to unravel.

A member of the German Social Democtratic Party (SPD), Herman Scher on April 10, stated: "The Rambouillet paper had [a] secret appendix which would allow the NATO troops ... unlimited movements through all of theYugoslav territory without any obstacles from the Yugoslav authorities. Practically, it would mean the occupation of [the former-Yugoslavia] and there is no President of State in [the] whole world who would allow such a thing".

Scher stated that [the] U.S. Secretary of State insisted that the Yugoslav delegation first sign the military agreement and then [they would get] to see what they signed!

The German news agency DPA, on April 12 (the 21st day of NATO aggression,) pointed [out] that Article 8, of this [proposed] military Annex provided the freedom of unlimited movement of the NATO troops all over the Yugoslavia with all the transportation means, and provided also the right to use entire Yugoslav regions, facilities and installations (not only in Kosovo) for military camps, manoeuvres, supplying the troops, practise and operations! Articles 10, and 11, demanded that priority [be given by Yugoslavia] for the movements of the NATO personal, vehicles, battle ships and aircraft, without any demands for refunding the damages, custom or taxes. Would it be anything else but occupation? Is it acceptable for any sovereign state which is trying to solve the terrorist problem on its own territory?

On March 24, 1999 NATO undertook an air strike towards Yugoslavia, without approval of the UN Security Council.

Over 1000 dead and over 3000 wounded civilians of all nations are the results of the "humanitarian" NATO mission.

Our country has suffered a damage of hundreds of billions of dollars. The four weeks of bombing have destroyed over 20 bridges, 600 refugee camps for the people who came to Yugoslavia from Bosnia and Croatia, roads, factories, railroad lines, schools, cultural and historical monuments and numerous civilian buildings. The damage imposed on civilian infrastructure is incomparably higher to the damages on military infrastructure.

The question is: What is the aim of NATO? Can the humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo be resolved by the destruction of the entire Yugoslav economy?

Part Two of This Essay

PHOTO-ESSAY: The Face of War (WARNING: Brutally graphic content. Not suggested for the squeamish.)