Unfortunately, very few of these bills or resolutions passed, and up until the last several years many well-meaning initiatives died a legislative death, either by failing to obtain sufficient co-sponsors, stalling in various committees, or receiving objections from the State Department. It has only been over the past several years, with the advent of the Clinton Administration's commitment to Northern Ireland, that the political climate has changed, leading to both the"greening" of the White House and the Congress.

Vice President Al Gore

Vice President Al Gore's Congressional career was very low on accomplishment on promoting Northern Ireland-related issues. His activity during his early years was virtually non-existent. During his House career he neither sponsored nor co-sponsored any Northern Ireland-related legislation, although in 1984 he did vote in support of a House resolution applauding the peace efforts of the New Ireland Forum (a conference of the four main Nationalist parties --- Fianna Fail, Fine Gael, Irish Labour Party, and the SDLP --- aimed at working out an agreed-approach to a Northern Ireland settlement).

His Senate career was not noticeably different: in 1986 he co-sponsored a Senate resolution lauding the achievements of the Ireland Fund, and in 1992 he co-sponsored a Senate resolution expressing that the President should urge the U.K. government to address Northern Ireland's "continuing human rights violations." His lone remarks on the Senate floor regarding Northern Ireland occurred in September 1991 when, in an effort to explain Western Europe's reluctance and inability to address Eastern European concerns, reflected that "some of the important participants in the European community fear that they have some kind of political skeletons in their own closet, whether it is a Corsica for the French, Northern Ireland for the British, or whatever."

Still, in other situations, Gore's knowledgeable interest in the region and his appeal to Irish voters was growing. As recently reported in the Irish Echo, in 1988 Gore attended the Irish American Presidential Forum in New York, where he stated that he would appoint a U.S. envoy to Northern Ireland if he felt it would help resolve the conflict.

Although this came after Bill Bradley's Senatorial embrace of the issue, it was the first time, to our knowledge, that a Presidential candidate had made such a pledge, beating candidate Clinton to the punch by four years. Gore attended a similar Forum in 1996. Also, during his Senate career, he and roughly 35 fellow Senators signed on to several of the Friends of Ireland St. Patrick's Day Statements (see Bill Bradley analysis).

And, while researching and writing Earth in the Balance, his 1992 environmental call-to-arms, Gore immersed himself in Irish Potato Famine research. His conclusion that "a combination of blind devotion to laissez-faire economics, cold indifference to suffering, anti-Irish racism, and anti-Catholic bigotry contributed to the United Kingdom's tragic failure to respond humanely" would not be embraced in many quarters of contemporary British society.

To be sure, President Clinton has been the steward of a tremendous shift on America's Northern Ireland foreign policy, one that Irish Americans could scarcely have dreamt of a decade ago. Still, Vice President Gore has seized this tremendous opportunity and transcended the narrow confines of his office by embracing this issue with passion, conviction, and action.

A complete listing of Vice President Gore's resume on Northern Ireland-related activities is beyond the scope of this Scorecard, but the following highlights are indicative of a very extensive portfolio:

• met, phoned, and conferred with a range of important leaders, including most if not all major Northern Ireland political parties, Prime Ministers Major and Blair, Irish Taoiseach's (Reynolds, Bruton, and Ahern), Northern Ireland Secretaries of State Mayhew and Mowlam, Irish Foreign Affairs Minister Dick Spring, key Congressional members, and issue-relevant individuals at the National Security Council;
• in October 1994, while playing a key role in the decision, ended a 20-year ban on official U.S. contact with the IRA by telephoning Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams;
• attended a Washington-based Northern Ireland investment conference in May 1994, and has regularly attended St. Patrick's Day festivities in Washington, which have recently become the Mecca for all key Northern Ireland politicians and non-governmental organizations;
• visited England and Ireland to meet with political leaders regarding Northern Ireland issues;
• in November 1995, along with President Clinton, met with David Trimble, the first-ever meeting between a U.S. President and a leader of the Ulster Unionist Party.

In essence, in accord with President Clinton, Vice President Gore's Irish activities over the past eight years have been considerable and have shown a persistence that has overcome strenuous objections from some circles, including the State Department. He, along with others in the Administration, have been open to meeting anyone on the Northern Ireland issue, providing that those persons or parties do not advocate or conduct violence as a means of achieving their political ends. In receiving the endorsement of the Washington-based Irish American Democrats last year, Vice President Gore touched upon the death of Rosemary Nelson, acknowledged the "enormous contributions" Irish immigrants have made to America since the days of the Revolution," and pledged "no matter what my position, I am committed to advancing the cause of peace in Northern Ireland."

Although he cannot trump Bill Bradley's solid Congressional record, Vice President Gore's exhaustive efforts for peace in Northern Ireland and considerable network of nurtured relationships with the key players on the issue is unparalleled in the current field of Presidential candidates.
Northern Ireland Alert rating: DEDICATED

Bill Bradley

Bradley's first notable public commentary on Northern Ireland, as recently reported by the Irish Echo, was contained in a 1982 letter to the Irish National Caucus, a Washington-based human rights organization. The letter stated "that a peaceful solution to this political situation will come only when Britain sets a timetable for withdrawal" and that "the sooner the British express their interest in the unity of Ireland, the sooner stability will be established." He also believed "the United States' role should be constructive and should show evenhandedness so as not to exacerbate the polarization of Ulster society."

These two goals, seen in a current light, seem incongruous, and this viewpoint is not one that Bradley or any other mainstream politician, given the Good Friday Agreement, would or should be expected to espouse.

Over his Senate career, Bradley backed up his interest and ideology with a solid voting record that characterized him as one of the more reliable Senators on Irish issues. Among his Senatorial highlights in this regard were:

• 1982: co-sponsored a Senate resolution condemning all acts of violence in Northern Ireland and calling upon the U.K. to outlaw the Ulster Defense Association (and other like organizations);
• 1982, 1983: co-sponsored Senate resolutions calling for a ban on the use of plastic or rubber bullets in Northern Ireland;
• 1983, 1985: co-sponsored Senate resolutions that the President should appoint a special envoy to investigate and report on how a peaceful resolution could transpire in Northern Ireland;
• 1989: co-sponsored a bill requiring the Treasury Secretary to monitor the adherence by U.S. corporations doing business in Northern Ireland to principles of nondiscrimination and freedom of opportunity;
• 1992: co-sponsored a Congressional resolution expressing that the President should urge the U.K. government to address Northern Ireland's continuing human rights violations;
• 1994: co-signed a Congressional letter to President Clinton urging a visa be granted to Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams to "facilitate the emerging [peace process] dialogue."

In addition to this legislative activity, in 1985-88, and perhaps other years, Bradley and roughly 35 fellow Senators signed on to the annual Friends of Ireland St. Patrick's Day Statements, which, among other things, supported ongoing peace initiatives while expressing concern over employment discrimination, the failure to prosecute alleged crimes revealed by the Stalker-Sampson investigation into a "shoot-to-kill" policy by the security forces, and the use of plastic bullets and juryless Diplock courts.

Perhaps Bradley's most expansive discourse on Northern Ireland took place on October 6, 1994, over a month past the IRA's cease-fire, when Bradley addressed the Senate. Bradley stated that he believed "a viable peace process must be based on four principles: rejection of violence, respect for human and civil rights, encouragement of political negotiations, and support for economic development."

Referring to the Guildford Four and Ballymurphy Seven miscarriage of justice cases, Bradley remarked that the peace process "will not prosper without respect for human and civil rights. The people of Northern Ireland have been subject to emergency regulations restricting their rights to counsel and jury trials. These have inevitably resulted in miscarriages of justice."

These problems, he said, along with unresolved civil rights issues, "will arise to undermine the process of reconciliation that must underlie the peace process."

Remarking upon peace initiatives by John Hume, the Downing Street Declaration, and preparation of the Framework Document, Bradley exhibited his sensitive, deep understanding about the ongoing peace negotiations and closed by saying that Northern Ireland, along with the U.K. and Irish governments, "deserve our full support --- governmental and private --- as they choose peace."

Since his Senate career ended, Bradley has kept a very low-profile on Northern Ireland-related issues. His scattered remarks have tended toward public support for the accomplishments of the Clinton Administration and Anglo-Irish efforts to establish a coalition government in Northern Ireland.

As a November 29, 1999 press release from the Bradley campaign indicates, Bradley currently believes that "helping the peace process to succeed is a critical task for an American President and that our country can and should make an important contribution, " including working for "just and lasting peace with human rights" Northern Ireland Alert is encouraged by Bradley's past actions and commentary regarding Northern Ireland. Based on his record , we think it probable that a Bradley Administration would assume a significant part of the Clinton Administration's legacy and initiatives on this issue. However, to compare Bradley to Vice President Gore on Northern Ireland is to compare potential to demonstrated action.
Northern Ireland Alert ranking: ACTIVE

George W. Bush

We have unearthed little evidence to demonstrate that Northern Ireland is on Governor Bush's foreign policy radar map, with one exception. That occurred in June 1995, when he signed Texas Senate Bill 59, a bill which, among amending several areas of the Texas Government Code, stipulated that the "Treasurer may not use state funds to invest in or purchase obligations of a private corporation or other private business entity doing business in Northern Ireland unless the corporation or entity (1) adheres to fair employment practices; and (2) does not discriminate on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, national origin, or disability."

Apart from this action, we have found no other action on Irish affairs traceable to Gov. Bush and have encountered no commentary by him regarding any of the Clinton Administration's Northern Ireland foreign policy over the past eight years. One positive action was recorded in the April 10, 1999 Irish Times, which reported that Irish Ambassador Sean O hUiginn traveled to Austin to brief the Governor on Northern Ireland.

There may be a conscious, tactical ploy behind Gov. Bush's lack of reference to Northern Ireland. The November 15, 1999 Financial Times (London) quotes advisors to the Bush campaign suggesting that the governor was keen to place China, Russia, and India --- which he refers to as "the big ones" --- in an"over-arching policy framework", in an "implicit criticism of a 'fragmented' approach to world affairs under President Clinton."

Indeed, Gov. Bush's first major foreign policy speech, issued days later, and all subsequent speeches and remarks have failed to address Northern Ireland in any meaningful, insightful fashion.

Last fall, according to the February 26 - January 1, 2000 Irish Echo, Gov. Bush stated "I hope that Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland find a way to overcome the remaining obstacles and finally achieve a lasting peace. The United States should do everything it can to help make this happen."

As stated, we do not find this analysis meaningful or insightful, although Gov. Bush's support for United States involvement on this issue is, as noted by the Irish Echo, an ideological shift from the "hands off" Northern Ireland policies of the Reagan and Bush Administrations.

Given Gov. Bush's lack of expressed anticipated actions, we find little to indicate that a Bush Presidency would be proactive regarding Northern Ireland. We would, however, inch him above Sen. McCain, if only because he has not, to our knowledge, issued harmful Northern Ireland-related comments while in office.
Northern Ireland Alert ranking: UNINTERESTED

John McCain

In Northern Ireland Alert's two previous scorecards, we ranked Sen. McCain as "Uninterested" (our lowest rating) in Northern Ireland affairs. In our last and most comprehensive scorecard, spanning January 1997-May 1998, we found that Sen. McCain had displayed no public interest or action in any Northern Ireland-related activity, and we consequently called for his defeat in the next election.

A survey of Sen. McCain's Congressional career reveals a bit more, although far from considerable, interest and accomplishment concerning Northern Ireland-related matters.

In 1984, he voted in favor of a House Congressional Resolution commending the New Ireland Forum. In 1985, he along with 102 fellow House members co-signed a Congressional St. Patrick's Day statement supporting the New Ireland Forum, calling for the discontinued use of plastic bullets, and requesting a "return to due process in the judiciary, strengthening of efforts to end discriminatory practices in employment, and elimination of abuses of prisoners." And in 1999, he co-sponsored a Senate Resolution recognizing the historic significance of the first anniversary of the Good Friday Peace Agreement.

Strangely, however, on April 23, 1998, while absent from the Senate, he was one of only three Senators to not vote in support of a Senate resolution expressing congratulations to all participants in the negotiations leading up to the Agreement.

Other than these aforementioned actions, we have discovered no other Congressional activity by Sen. McCain on Northern Ireland issues.

Sen. McCain's most expansive articulation to date regarding his Northern Ireland foreign policy views was featured in an overall foreign policy critique he wrote for Foreign Policy in June, 1996. The article was penned during the 1996 Presidential election and was critical of the Clinton Administration's foreign policy record. In particular, McCain remarked that "two self-proclaimed administration successes, Haiti and Northern Ireland, reveal the perils of misconceiving the relationship between domestic and foreign policy."

He continued:

"The conflict in Northern Ireland is a sad and tragic affair in a country to which many Americans trace their ancestry. Yet it has never, even remotely affected our security interests in Europe. Rather, the conflict has engaged only our concern that pluralistic societies live peacefully and our despair for the suffering that terrorism has inflicted on our oldest and most trusted ally, Great Britain.

"Motivated by anachronistic notions of Irish republicanism, some prominent Irish-Americans persuaded the president (over the objection of the State Department) to jump headfirst into the Northern Ireland problem, severely straining our relations with London. The president gave a visa to Gerry Adams, the leader of Sinn Fein, the political wing of the Irish Republican Army, a terrorist organization that has been for the last 30 years implacably hostile not only to Great Britain but to our own democratic values. When that organization resumed its terrorism campaign in Great Britain, President Clinton again issued Adams a visa without even securing from him a simple denunciation of the taking of an innocent life. Indeed, the United States received very little in exchange for its concession to Sinn Fein."

"With his credibility now substantially at risk in Northern Ireland, the president finds himself stuck in a conflict that has frustrated the best efforts of many a skilled statesman. By granting Adams a visa after the IRA's return to violence and deciding to reinforce his earlier mistaken involvement in the Northern Ireland problem, President Clinton has deepened the risk to his credibility and further damaged relations with our British allies. Yet the political rewards the president anticipates for this intervention inspire him to claim Northern Ireland as a showcase success.

Given the delicate, fragile nature of Northern Ireland peace negotiations then and now, we find Sen. McCain's remarks rather one-dimensional and inappropriate. After this article, according to the January 26 - February 1, 2000 Irish Echo, Sen. McCain has been receiving a "crash course" on Northern Ireland from Rep. Peter King, whom we consistently rank as "DEDICATED" on the issues. Rep. King, according to this article, claims McCain is now considering making a trip to Northern Ireland with him. And perhaps McCain is mellowing.

While campaigning in January in New Hampshire, in response to a citizen's foreign policy question, McCain accused the Clinton Administration of conducting a "feckless photo-op foreign policy", with the "notable exceptions of Northern Ireland and the Middle East peace process, where the president and the administration deserves credit."

Still, McCain's recent inability on the Vermont campaign trail to properly identify the current Irish prime minister is revelatory. In essence, Sen. McCain has technically shown interest in Northern Ireland during his political career, but, with rare exception, it has proved superficial, ill-informed, and unhelpful for the vast majority of Irish-Americans and Northern Ireland citizens.

Northern Ireland Alert ranking: UNINTERESTED

Publisher: James J. Brosnahan, Esq. Brosnahan is a senior partner with Morrison & Foerster LLP. He is a former president of the San Francisco chapter of the Irish American Bar Association. As a trial lawyer, he traveled to Northern Ireland in 1996, and in 1999 he returned there as part of a Lawyers Committee for Human Rights investigative mission. He has attended high-level discussions at the White House regarding Northern Ireland affairs.